Banditry (Hobsbawm 1965, 1981; Shaw 1984; Lincoln 2008), or “social banditry” (Horsley and Hanson 1985), emerged in traditional agrarian societies where peasants were exploited by the authorities, government, and/or landowners, particularly when economic vulnerability was pronounced and governments were administratively inefficient.

See Banditry in the Time of Jesus: Champions of the Oppressed Peasantry
See Banditry in the Time of Jesus: “Crisis Points” and Full Rebellion Against Rome

The annexation of Palestine by Rome produced economic stress and anxiety among the agricultural Jewish peasantry. The land was put under Roman tribute, leading to further strain over and above the tithes and other taxes already owed to the temple and priesthood. The result was a double taxation, which exceeded 40% of production (Horsley and Hanson 1985). 

There was no choice in this matter, as nonpayment of taxation was considered by the empire to be tantamount to rebellion, to which Rome usually responded with punitive force. Flavius Josephus (37–100 CE) records that four district centers (Gophna, Emmaus, Lydda, and Thamna) were reduced to slavery for being slow in raising a special levy of taxes demanded by the senator Cassius (J.W. 1:219-222; Ant. 14.271-275).

These levies and taxes had a lasting impact on families or villages and whether or not they could sustain themselves and remain economically viable. Such burdens drove many into debt: “If a peasant family, after rendering up 40 percent or more of its harvest, then had too little left to survive until the next harvest, it would have to borrow grain for food or for seed for the next sowing” (Horsley and Hanson 1985, 57). Often, members of a family had to hire themselves out as wage laborers for larger landholders. 

These lived experiences of many first-century Jewish peasants are reflected in the Gospels. The Parable of the Workers in the Vineyard (Matt. 20:1–16) is communicated by Jesus to an audience, well aware that the contents of the parable (God’s kingdom being an equal reward for all) would be readily understood by them and therefore easily remembered.

That borrowing became essential to offset shortfalls, putting peasant families into situations that could end up with them losing their land and becoming landless day laborers, also finds reflection in the parables of Jesus in Mark 12:1–9 (The Parable of the Tenants) and Matthew 20:1–16 (The Parable of the Workers in the Vineyard).

Peasants were expected to produce a surplus of goods that would be “transferred to a dominant group of rulers that uses the surpluses both to underwrite its own standard of living and to distribute the remainder to groups in society that do not farm but must be fed for their specific goods and services in turn” (Horsley and Hanson 1985, 52). 

The consequent debt caused by these demands became a mechanism for the wealthy and powerful to extract even more from producers. Essentially, the peasants not only had to cough up 40% or more of their harvest for tributes and tithes, they also had loans to repay, with some of these loans accruing additional interest. 

To ensure their leisurely lifestyles in Jerusalem, the wealthy sent their debtors to towns and villages to extract whatever goods were necessary to pay off the debt. This phenomenon underscores Jesus’ Parable of the Shrewd Manager (Luke 16:1–14; especially v. 5-7).

Banditry increased markedly around the mid-first century CE due to, among other factors, the severe famine that occurred under the procurator Tiberius Alexander (r. 46–48 CE). Famine is one of “the special economic circumstances almost certain to result in an upsurge of bandit activity—especially in the case of the Jewish peasantry already bearing the burden of double taxation, alien rule, and occasional provocations” (Horsley and Hanson 1985, 67). 

In the late 40s CE, Queen Helena of Adiabene (d. 50s CE), a convert to Judaism, on pilgrimage to Jerusalem provided some relief for the inhabitants of Jerusalem:

“Queen Helena sent some of her servants to Alexandria, with money to buy a great quantity of corn; and others of them to Cyprus, to bring a cargo of dried figs. And as soon as they came back, and had brought those provisions; which was done very quickly; she distributed food to those that were in want of it: and left a most excellent memorial behind her of this benefaction, which she bestowed on our whole nation” (Ant. 20.2.5).

But the prolonged famine undoubtedly forced many more peasants into debt and caused many to finally lose their holdings altogether. The famine of the late forties was almost certainly an important factor contributing to the growing social turmoil of the fifties and sixties.

To qualify as a movement, banditry needed some form of leadership and direction towards a common goal. Occupying leadership roles were brigand chiefs (archilestes), who received direction from local strong men.

John of Gischala (fl. 70 CE) and Simon Bar Giora (d. 71 CE) were central figures. The former was a major political actor in Galilee and an opponent of Josephus for control of the region (J.W. 2:58–646), whereas the latter was a self-elected leader and extremist who plundered the Toparchy of Accrabatene in Northern Judea. Josephus describes Simon Bar Giora as a particularly dangerous man,

“In the district of Acrabatene, Simon bar Giora organized a large number of revolutionaries and took up pillaging. Not only did he loot the houses of the wealthy, but he abused the people themselves. It was clear from the start that he was bent on tyranny” (J.W. 2:652-654).

Their local followers became part of the wider bandit movement and increasingly tied into the national political and military scene. Both also became important leaders of the revolt in Jerusalem once they were driven out of their strongholds by Roman forces and confronted Roman legions during the siege (J.W. 4:121–134; 577–584).

According to H. A. Landsberger (1974), some genuine leaders had been working peasants, and if their movements became “national” (as opposed to local or community-centered), the leadership roles moved out of the hands of peasants. The aforementioned John of Gischala, who, perhaps not of peasant origins, was able to assemble and organize diverse groups around his leadership in the Galilee and later became one of the established national leaders who played a much wider role in the events that later unfolded in Jerusalem.

References

Harland, P. 2002. “The Economy of First Palestine: the State of Scholarly Discussion.” In Handbook of Early Christianity: Social Science Approaches, edited by A. J. Blasi., P. A. Turcotte., and E. J. Duhaine, 511–527. Walnut Creek, CA. Alta Mira Press.

Hatina, Thomas A. 2008. “Households, Jewish.” In The Routledge Encyclopedia of the Historical Jesus, edited by Craig A. Evans, 971–986. London and New York: Routledge. (Apple Books pagination).

Hobsbawm, Eric J. 1965. Primitive Rebels. New York: Norton.

Hobsbawm, Eric J. 1981. Bandits. NewYork: Pantheon.

Horsley, R. A., and Hanson, J. S. 1985. Bandits, Prophets, and Messiahs: Popular Movements at the Time of Jesus. Winston Press. 

Landsberger, H. A.1974. Peasant Movements and Social Change. London: Macmillan.

Shaw, B. D. 1984. “Bandits in the Roman Empire.” Past and Present 102:3-52.